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Swamp Gas
Joined: 06 Jun 2001
Posts: 4254
Location: On a Hill in the Lowlands |
 Mon Sep 23, 2002 4:28 pm
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To all the other intelligent people reading this,
I mean all of you, not just Alpha-Theta and Mech. They were just carrying on with puddin' head Yodabreath. |
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Mech
Joined: 06 Jun 2001
Posts: 8237
Location: THE 4th REICH USA |
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Mon Sep 23, 2002 9:49 pm
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Mech
Joined: 06 Jun 2001
Posts: 8237
Location: THE 4th REICH USA |
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Tue Sep 24, 2002 12:34 am
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Bush's plans for a NEW dictator in Iraq.
If Saddam Hussein is America's frying-pan, these men are the fire into which President Bush may be jumping. Foreign Editor David Pratt runs the rule over some of the highly assorted and far from loveable would-be beneficiaries of Iraqi 'regime change'
CORRUPT, feckless and downright dangerous. Some say they make the Butcher of Baghdad himself look good. Who are they? The contenders for Saddam Hussein's throne.
Ever since the September 11 attacks 'regime change' has been the catchphrase coming out of Washington. But if George Bush is as intent on invading Iraq as he seems to be, overthrowing the Iraqi regime and deposing Saddam may well turn out to be the easy bit.
If Afghanistan's nightmarish internal politics proved problematic after the toppling of the Taliban, Bush should be under no illusion that Iraq's would be any less so. The Northern Alliance might not have seemed a very palatable alternative to the Taliban, but it has a certain rough credibility. There is no equivalent in Iraq.
Following any ousting of Saddam, the task will be to prevent anarchy from returning to the streets of Baghdad and the oil facilities throughout the country. To that end the US needs its own strongman to put in Saddam's place.
Saddam, of course, has never had a problem with making enemies. Indeed, the breadth of the Iraqi opposition -- from Islamic fundamentalists and communists to monarchists and free-marketeers -- demonstrates his ability in this respect. Seemingly every week a new group springs up and issues an identikit statement to the international media. Recently one organisation, which nobody seems to have heard of except its own members, even took over the Iraqi embassy in Germany to prove that it existed.
There are, however, some basic patterns to the cacophony of proclamations from new movements, councils and parties that purport to represent the voice of the authentic Iraqi individual.
First, there are the national bodies that were created inside Iraq before 1990, when the bond that had formed between Iraq and the US was shattered by the invasion of Kuwait. These are groups like the Iraqi Communist Party, the largest group in Iraq from the 1950s through to the 1970s, and al-Daawa al-Islamiyya (the Islamic Call), which engineered the biggest demonstrations against the Iraqi regime in the 1970s and had close ties with Ayatollah Khomeini's Islamic revolutionaries in neighbouring Iran.
With extensive experience of organisation and the political process inside Iraq, many of these groups retain some level of support -- or at least respect -- among many of the Iraqi people. They have three things in common: they are intensely persecuted by the Iraqi regime, they are wholly unpalatable to the West, and they strongly oppose a US invasion on the grounds of the suffering this will cause the Iraqi people.
Second, there are groups representing sectarian or ethnic interests such as the four million Iraqi Kurds, and the country's Shi'as, which make up 60% of the population.
Although some of these groups are large, and the US has sought their backing for its invasion plans, they remain split within their own ranks, and have no chance of being installed in Saddam's place as they cannot claim to represent all Iraqis.
Third, there are the new groups, often formed under US auspices after 1990. The US has tried to encourage senior members of Iraq's military and civilian establishments to defect to the West, and their prize has often been a budget, some training, lavish offices, frequent meetings with US officials and the prospect of taking a leading political role in a post-Saddam Iraq. It is from these groups that the US will select the new rulers if they succeed in ousting Saddam.
'He may be a son-of-a-bitch,' President Franklin D Roosevelt is said to have commented of the brutal Nicaraguan dictator, Anastasio Somoza, 'but he's our son-of-a-bitch'. Saddam was Washington's SOB throughout most of the Reagan administration, a valuable foil against the US's nemesis, Iran. Somewhere along the line, possibly in 1990, he lost the 'our'.
Judging from the current rogues' gallery of heirs to Saddam, it's anyone's guess which of them will be tagged with Washington's favourite SOB epithet this time around.
General Nizar Al-Khazraji
ACCORDING to many human rights groups, he is the field commander who led the 48-hour chemical weapons attack which poisoned and burned 5000 Kurdish civilians in the northern town of Halabja in March 1988. He also, alleges one credible eyewitness who testified in video-taped evidence earlier this year, kicked a little Kurdish child to death after his forces entered a village during the height of the Iraqi repression in 1988.
But, says Ambassador David Mack, a senior official in the US State Department who co-ordinates meetings of Iraqi opposition groups in Washington DC, General Nizar al-Khazraji has 'a good military reputation' and 'the right ingredients' as a future leader in Iraq.
The most senior military officer to defect since 1990, al-Khazraji was Saddam's chief of staff from 1980 until 1991, leading the army through the eight-year Iran-Iraq war and the invasion of Kuwait in 1990. He left Iraq in 1996 and was granted political asylum first in Spain and then in Denmark, where he now lives in a quiet suburb of Copenhagen. There are claims he was reluctant to leave Iraq, but that the CIA tempted him with promises of a major political role after the overthrow of Saddam. As a result, he has not been quiet about his plans to lead Iraq: he once described his future leadership as a 'sacred duty'.
Apart from his apparent boastfulness, which has alienated many of his fellow travellers in the exiled opposition, al-Khazraji's role in some of the worst abuses of Saddam's regime poses serious problems in presenting himself as a future leader of Iraq.
A Danish newspaper investigating al-Khazraji's role found he was the field commander during the Halabja operation, choosing the chemicals to be used and the intensity with which to drop them. Although al-Khazraji denies having had this role, the allegations were serious and detailed enough for the Danish ministry of justice to launch an official investigation, with the potential to bring war crimes charges against him. Eighty-nine Kurdish and human rights groups have issued a joint statement to demand his trial. He has been under effective house arrest for almost a year now, guarded by four police officers. Despite this al-Khazraji, 64, says he has no doubt the Iraqi military is ready to rise up against Saddam. All it will take is a lot of American firepower, carefully targeted, and some organising by military exiles like himself. How can he be so sure? 'I was the chief of my army and I know my men very well,' he says.
Brigadier-General Najib Al-Salihi
IN meetings at the British Foreign Office in March this year, Brigadier-General Najib al-Salihi acquired the sobriquet of 'the rapidly rising star' of the Iraqi opposition. When a popular website of Iraqi exiles held an online poll to find who would be their preferred future leader, al-Salihi raced ahead -- until the poll had to be suspended amid suspicions it was being rigged. In any case, it wouldn't have been the first Iraqi election to produce a victor with 99.9% of the vote.
Commander of an armoured division of Iraq's elite Republican Guard in the Gulf war, Salihi played a significant military role in Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. He was also engaged in putting down the uprising against Saddam 's rule that followed the defeat at the hands of the US-led forces. The repressive way in which this particular episode was handled caused 1.5 million people to flee their homes, while Salihi went on to write a book about his crushing of the popular uprising, entitled Al-Zilzal, 'The Earthquake'.
After commanding Iraqi forces in putting down another rebellion by an opposition group in 1995, Salihi defected to the side of his former enemies and came to co-operate with the US, where he now lives. He has the advantage of youth over many of his rivals, having just turned 50, and strikes a contradictory pose with regard to his future role. On the one hand he states that the military should not be engaged in the politics of Iraq. On the other, he heads the CIA- sponsored Iraqi Free Officers Movement, another collection of dubious military exiles in the Washington suburbs, which he claims can raise 30,000 fighters. He also says he favours a three- pronged infantry assault in Baghdad from Kurdish Iraq, Kuwait and possibly Jordan. He forecasts a scenario in which Saddam would be on the run, suggesting that US aircraft policing the no-fly zones could be used to back an advance on Baghdad by rebel forces from the north.
'Saddam will try to escape, but he will find that he has nowhere to go,' Salihi has said. 'We will not be able to put him on trial. The people will get to him first.' Cleverly, Salihi avoids giving the impression of power-hungriness and speaks of the 'tough work ahead' and the 'bond of trust with the Iraqi people'. The same Iraqi people he so mercilessly crushed when they opposed Saddam.
Ahmad Al-Chalabi
Ahmad al-Chalabi came to international attention not for his politics, but for fleeing to London from Jordan in 1989 amid allegations he had embezzled millions from the bank he used to own. Although he denies any wrongdoing, the collapse of the Petra Bank left thousands of its customers in penury and earned him comparisons with Robert Maxwell. He didn't return to Jordan to defend himself at his trial in 1992, which took place in his absence, and will begin his 32 years in prison only if he returns to Jordan, which he shows no sign of doing at present.
The long-time face of the Iraqi opposition in Washington, Chalabi took the reins of the Iraqi National Congress (INC), an umbrella organisation created in 1992 with the assistance of the CIA. Although he was officially demoted in 1999 to be a member of the INC's executive council rather than its leader, he is widely accepted as the first among equals and is spoken of by INC officials as the future president of Iraq. This despite the fact that the US State Department recently found that about half of the $4m it had given to the INC was not properly accounted for. They clearly expected better from a former maths professor and banker, and cut off funding. Chalabi, however, galvanised his US supporters, and the Pentagon and the White House again started picking up the tab.
Chalabi is, if nothing else, an operator. One delegate at a New York meeting of the INC said of him: 'He takes more than his share, much more than his share, and I get nothing. Just look at the way he dresses. They say Saddam has 300 suits; well, this guy has 400.'
Many Chalabi mannerisms that appeal in the West may have been picked up at his Sussex private school, where he was a member of the cadet corps -- his sole training for planning an invasion of Iraq.
Just as the US was forgetting him in the wake of more accusations of financial irregularities, he came up with a plan to unseat Saddam in a choreographed 11-week manoeuvre. The plot, launched at Chalabi's Mayfair home and involving turning untrained volunteers into successful revolutionaries, provided him with the soundbite necessary to capture US policymakers' minds in the wake of September 11. Few stopped to question if it verged on the unrealistic.
Convicted embezzlers, accused war criminals and CIA stooges to a man, few if any of those who would dethrone Saddam match up to the proverbial man on a white horse, a respected military officer who can ride in, take control and unite Iraq's fractious tribes and religious groups. Serious questions remain as to the readiness, willingness and fitness to lead of those in main contention.
As Said K Aburish, the respected Middle Eastern writer and biographer of Saddam Hussein, concluded: 'I examined my notes of the interviews I conducted with 82 Iraqi opposition leaders, and began identifying those on my list whose thinking resembles Saddam's. To my horror, I decided 75 of the people I interviewed were men who would kill to achieve their goal.' One can only wonder whether Washington has come to the same conclusion, or indeed really cares.
2002 Sunday Times Scotland 2002 |
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Mech
Joined: 06 Jun 2001
Posts: 8237
Location: THE 4th REICH USA |
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Tue Sep 24, 2002 2:43 am
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Oiling the Wheels of War
by MICHAEL T. KLARE
A s the United States gears up for an invasion of Iraq, the great unanswered question continues to be: Why is the Bush Administration so determined to topple a government that has been effectively contained by American power for eleven years?
The White House has offered several reasons to justify an attack on Iraq--Saddam Hussein is on the verge of obtaining nuclear weapons; an invasion is needed to prevent the transfer of nuclear, biological and chemical weapons to international terrorists, and so on. Another factor, however, may be of equal importance--oil. Two key concerns underlie the Administration's thinking: First, the United States is becoming dangerously dependent on imported petroleum to meet its daily energy requirements, and, second, Iraq possesses the world's largest reserves of untapped petroleum after Saudi Arabia.
The problem of growing US dependence on imported petroleum was first raised in the National Energy Policy Report, released by the White House in May 2001. Known as "the Cheney report," after its principal author, the Vice President, the document revealed that imported supplies accounted for half of US oil consumption in 2000 and will jump to two-thirds in 2020. And despite all the talk of drilling in Alaska, the report makes one thing clear: Most of America's future oil supplies will have to come from the Persian Gulf countries, which alone possess sufficient production potential to meet ever-growing US energy requirements. Thus, the report calls on the White House to place a high priority on increasing US access to Persian Gulf supplies.
Growing worries about the stability of Saudi Arabia, principal US supplier there, heightened by revelations of Saudi extremists' involvement in the September 11 terror attacks, have prompted US strategists to seek a backup should future instability lead to a drop in Saudi oil production, which could trigger a global recession. Some strategists have proposed Russia as a backup, others the Caspian Sea states of Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. But only one country has the capacity to substantially increase oil production in the event of a Saudi collapse: Iraq. With proven reserves of 112 billion barrels of oil (compared with 49 billion for Russia and 15 billion for the Caspian states), Iraq alone can serve as a backup for Saudi Arabia. At the same time, control over Iraqi oil would allow US leaders to more easily ignore Saudi demands for US action on behalf of the Palestinians and would weaken OPEC's control over oil prices.
Iraq has yet another key attraction for US oil strategists: Whereas most of Saudi Arabia's major fields have already been explored and claimed, Iraq possesses vast areas of promising but unexplored hydrocarbon potential. These fields may harbor the world's largest remaining reservoir of unmapped and unclaimed petroleum--far exceeding the untapped fields in Alaska, Africa and the Caspian. Whoever gains possession of these fields will exercise enormous influence over the global energy markets of the twenty-first century.
Knowing this, and seeking allies for his confrontation with Washington, Saddam Hussein has begun to parcel out concessions to the most promising fields to oil firms in Europe, Russia and China. According to the International Energy Agency's World Energy Outlook for 2001, he has already awarded such contracts for fields with an estimated potential of 44 billion barrels of oil--an amount equal to the total reserves of the United States, Canada and Norway (the number-one European producer) combined. At current rates of about $25 per barrel, that makes these contracts worth an estimated $1.1 trillion.
And here's the rub: The Iraqi dissidents chosen by Washington to lead the new regime in Baghdad have threatened to cancel all contracts awarded to firms in countries that fail to assist in the overthrow of Saddam. "We will review all of these agreements," said the head of the London office of the Iraqi National Congress (a dissident umbrella group backed by the United States), and those signed by Saddam Hussein will be considered invalid unless endorsed by the new government. Not surprisingly, US oil firms are expected to be awarded most of the Hussein-era contracts voided by the successor regime.
This could prove to be the biggest oil grab in modern history, providing hundreds of billions of dollars to US oil firms--many linked to senior officials in the Bush Administration--and helping to avert a future energy crunch in the United States. But is oil worth spilling the blood of American soldiers and Iraqi civilians who get caught in the way? This is the question Congress must ask if we are to have an honest debate on the merits of invading Iraq.
The Nation 2002
[Edited 2 times, lastly by Mech on 09-24-2002] |
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Mech
Joined: 06 Jun 2001
Posts: 8237
Location: THE 4th REICH USA |
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Tue Sep 24, 2002 4:34 am
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The road to war.
Almost a year after Sept. 11 where are we? In the last year the Bush Administration and the financial, economic and oil interests which it serves, have proved their continued ability to move forward into totalitarianism and naked aggression faster than any forces of either domestic or international opposition could organize -- either behind them or in front of them. Optimistic and valiant, but inexperienced efforts to fight the juggernaut have started, swirled, eddied and drifted as the Blitzkrieg war that "will not end in our lifetimes" has not even so much as looked sideways. Overwhelming evidence of the regime's crimes in a dozen arenas has been brought to the surface, and yet each new revelation only spurs the Empire to accelerate its long-conceived plans rather than slow down.
As FTW predicted in May 2001 with Citigroup's overt purchase of known drug money laundering institution Banamex -- and its placement of the bank's owner, Roberto Hernandez, on the board of directors with former U.S. Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin and former CIA director John Deutch -- the criminality of the economic elites has been so overt as to seem careless about what they did, and who saw it. That was four months before 9-11.
The middle path between optimism and pessimism is realism. And the fact is that nothing has appeared in the form of any organized effort which, based upon past experience, offers any likelihood of success in challenging the Bush Administration or those who direct it. It is the past experience issue that is so diligently ignored by those newly awakened voices of opposition who expend needless energy debating whether explosives were placed in the towers, whether the planes were remote controlled, whether an airliner really hit the Pentagon, or whether maybe Congress will actually do something about any of it. These debates are worse than rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic. They are expediting the demise of people who could otherwise be constructing life rafts. The proof already exists that the government lied.
When I was a young policeman I responded to a dead body call. The victim was a fresh victim of a homicide and his throat had been slashed so badly that his head was nearly decapitated. This was new to me, horrifying. I knelt and started to take a pulse and my training officer stopped me. He said, "When you see someone with their head cut off, it is not necessary to take a pulse." I responded that my training in the Los Angeles police academy had said that you should do this on a dead body call. He said, "When you have a dead body like this and someone seriously asks you whether you took their pulse or not, arrest them for 5150." Section 5150 of the California Health and Safety Code covers persons who are mentally ill and a danger to themselves or others.
Like those who still debate the arcane details of the JFK assassination, some 39 years later -- having never corrected the crimes that were committed then -- none of these efforts will have the slightest impact on a brutal agenda being waged to control the last remaining oil reserves on the planet, an agenda that is leading directly to a genocide of Islamic peoples all over the world, and perhaps into Armageddon itself.
Some will cheer foolhardily because the ultra-secret court established under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) has just embarrassed John Ashcroft, our demented attorney general, by releasing a decision showing that the FBI and the Justice Department have provided false and inaccurate information to the court to obtain warrants in criminal cases -- a function that court was never intended to fulfill. They will whistle in the dark and pat themselves on the back as a portion of the USA Patriot Act has been ruled unconstitutional in a lower court and somehow forget that most of the entire act, which was never read by members of Congress before they passed it, is unconstitutional anyway. They will forget who controls the highest court where Ashcroft will now appeal.
They will take comfort in their immature beliefs that a champion will arise to save them and they will, as so many who have come before them, ignore, deny and insult the sacrifices and lessons of so many people who have fought against this criminal tyranny only to be defeated, worn out or even killed. Here, I refer to all of the Americans who spent every molecule of soul, money, physical and emotional strength they had in the cases of the assassinations of JFK, MLK and RFK; Vietnam-era POWs; Agent Orange; the Contra War; CIA drug trafficking; the train deaths in Arkansas; the Savings and Loan scandals; Iraqgate; Gulf War Syndrome; the Drug War; Waco; Oklahoma City; 109 mysterious suicides in the military during the 1980s and '90s; TWA 800; and a dozen other cases. Has anyone noticed that very few of these potential teachers have shown up on the front lines since 9-11?
I have.
These people know that no one cares to listen to their lessons in the same way that each of them entered into their own struggles -- believing that their case would be different, that something would work, that right and truth must certainly prevail in their fantastic and naïve belief in the Tooth Fairy and Santa Claus.
In the meantime:
Suits have been filed by groups of victims' families against the government or the airlines asking legitimate questions about what happened on 9-11. These suits will fail completely as the government has already intervened to control what records are released in court. Certain members of the classes will be approached quietly and offered payoffs of one kind or another to fragment unity, and the lawyers will likely be compromised or worn out. A possibility exists that one suit was filed by a lawyer posing as a friend of the victims who will ultimately sabotage the case and the victim's hopes with it. That happened before with the Christic Institute in the 1980s. Those who go along with the government will be used and may get something. Those who hold out will be worn down, exhausted, intimidated and left with nothing.
Even while Congress is in recess, the FBI has stepped up a probe of certain members of the Senate to find out who dared to leak to the American people the damning fact that the National Security Agency had intercepted warnings on Sept. 10 that the attack was going to occur the next day. Ashcroft's G-Men have moved to make Senators and their staffs hand over calendars, phone records and other information that should -- by right -- be privileged information under the separation of powers. Voluntary compliance by Senate leaders like Bob Graham, who chairs the Senate Intelligence Committee, only adds to the covert and overt intimidation of Congress that has taken place since 9-11.
Two members of Congress, Democrat Cynthia McKinney and Republican Bob Barr, who offered open criticism of various parts of the administration's illegal activities, have been booted out of the House in a very well planned and executed conspiracy. As different as night and day politically, the two had one thing in common -- they dared to criticize or question the administration's actions in the wake of 9-11. They will forever remain an object lesson to any members who would oppose Caesar.
The administration has already deployed and committed more than 100,000 combat troops in preparation for the invasion of Iraq, which will certainly result in tens of thousands of civilian casualties. That invasion may find it convenient for the U.S. to also occupy our newest declared (sort of) enemy, Saudi Arabia. Together, those two countries own 36 percent of all the known oil on the planet.
It has been decided that President Bush need not seek congressional approval before launching the invasion.
From the start FTW has been right, and we continue to be proven right, about our analysis of what led up to 9-11, and especially about the fact that the world stands at the brink of a global event which may perhaps be the most significant event in human history. The world is running out of oil. And oil is more than what you put in your car. It is the ability to do work and, most importantly, to eat. To quote Colin Campbell, Ph.D., "Mankind is not going to become extinct. But the subspecies, 'petroleum man,' is most certainly going to become extinct very soon."
When the Iraqi invasion takes place the U.S. government may have the benefit of U.N. or international support, perhaps as a result of secret documents conveniently obtained from the Iraqi embassy in Berlin during a recent temporary occupation by an unheard-of dissident group. Those documents will show Iraqi government connections to many of the 9-11 hijackers who lived in Germany before the attacks. It makes no difference whether the documents are real or not. Such tactics have been used before, for example, in the 1982 "liberation" of the Polish embassy in Bern, Switzerland.
What will be given to European governments and to the American people is a fragile pretext to sanction something that is going to happen anyway. At that moment, everything that America once represented to the world as good will be lost and the U.S. will be, and in some cases already is, viewed as nothing more than a new Roman Empire -- naked in its power, unabashed in its greed, and brutal in the imposition of its wishes. We will have reached that unique common denominator which has spelled the decline and fall of every totalitarian empire in human history -- might makes right.
And most of the American people, with their bankrupt and corrupt economy, will welcome cheap oil, while it lasts, and they will engage in a multitude of psychological and sickening rationales that will, in the end, amount to nothing more than saying, "I don't care how many women and children you kill. Just let me keep my standard of living."
If this is the best that the human race has to offer, then perhaps we need an apocalypse. I, for one, am ashamed of my government and most of my fellow citizens. One year after 9-11 the only ones who really got it right are the recent demonstrators in Portland, Ore. who took peacefully to the streets against George W. Bush on Aug. 23, only to be spayed with pepper spray and shot with rubber bullets. And I'm not sure that even they understand what is at stake yet.
Michael C. Ruppert
FTW Publisher/Editor
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Mech
Joined: 06 Jun 2001
Posts: 8237
Location: THE 4th REICH USA |
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Tue Sep 24, 2002 4:33 pm
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Waging war on Iraq is not justified By Aharon Levran
What are we fighting for? That is a crucial question when going off to a war - and certainly before initiating one. The Bush administration has no solid grounds for waging war on Saddam Hussein and the arguments about the variety of risks Saddam poses are exaggerated.
The interpretation of the threat Saddam poses, and the way it is being presented are deficient, because the U.S. administration is attributing the same megalomaniac ideas and ambitions to the Iraqi leader as he had before the Gulf War.
Despite his bombastic lying declarations, Saddam is well aware he was defeated. It is clear to him that he cannot take on the might of America, and it is no accident that he he has folded now on the issue of the nuclear weapons inspectors. Before the war he had built up hopes of gaining hegemony in the Gulf vis-a-vis Iran and his Arab "sisters," and he was ready even to challenge the United States. This does not seem to be the situation now. His ambitions since the war are curtailed. His limited aims are to protect Iraq and deter others from harming it and - of course - to survive.
Specifically he is striving to remove the burdensome economic sanctions and the humiliating inspection regime. It is doubtful if he has concrete desires to expand in the region or beyond it, if only because it is clear to him what its immediate cost would be. However, to achieve his limited purposes he needs power to back them, especially its non-conventional components, for they are the only things which give his power an added value. A brutal and crafty despot, Saddam has proved to be careful and sane in his moves. He might wish to return to his megalomaniac desires, but his capability is restricted.
Iraq today has no nuclear power, mainly because it has no fissile material like plutonium or enriched uranium, although it has a general potential to manufacture an atomic bomb. Before the war Iraq was, indeed, about six months away from manufacturing a bomb, but this is because it had the use of the fissile material in the reactors transferred to it by the Soviet Union and France and which were "under the inspection" of the International Atomic Energy Agency.
This material was taken away from Iraq, and today it does not have the capability to enrich uranium with centrifuges (which have been destroyed) or in other ways. Attempts to buy fissile material in the quality and quantity required for a bomb have failed in the past and it is doubtful whether the could succeed in the future.
It is also doubtful that post-war Saddam is striving wholeheartedly to build a nuclear bomb, because the moment he approaches it, this will not go unnoticed in United States and he would be sentencing himself to an immediate liquidation attempt. This would also be the case if he transferred nuclear arms of any kind to terrorists.
On the other hand, Saddam probably has chemical and biological weapons which are easy to manufacture and conceal. But even when he used chemical weapons in the Iraq-Iran war, he restricted himself, and even when his army was defeated and driven out of Kuwait, he did not dare to use those weapons.
The risks of non conventional weapons depend on having the means to launch them - mainly airplanes, pilotless drones and missiles. And here the Iraqi Air Force, even before the war in 1991, did not demonstrate any considerable attacking power - never mind after the war when it was very much weakened. However, even a single plane can carry out an infiltration and attack. Iraq has had drones for years, intended among other things to spray chemical and biological agents from the air. But their range and the abilities of the control systems are unclear - controlling drones across hundreds of kilometers or a thousand kilometers is not an easy matter to be taken for granted.
The ballistic missile issue also has two sides - there is no evidence that Iraq, (even since getting rid of the inspectors in December 1998) has many launchers and missiles, especially in the middle range. Their operational condition, and that of the war heads - especially the presumably hidden non-conventional heads - is not at all clear. Judging by the condition of chemical weapons the inspectors found in the past, such doubts are well placed. There is also the question of whether they could be operated freely in western Iraq as they were in 1991 to hit Israel and Saudi Arabia.
It seems one may establish that the risks from Saddam Hussein are not so bad as they are made to appear. Moreover, certain threats - and much more acute ones - are presented by others in the region, like Iran and Hezbollah. But these are not high on the U.S. list of priorities.
It is not desirable that the United States, so important to the free world, should pitch its power against a danger that is not first rate.
Brigadier General (res.) Levran is the author of "Israeli Strategy after Desert Storm," published by Frank Cass.
[Edited 6 times, lastly by Mech on 09-25-2002] |
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KrissaTMC2
Joined: 05 Feb 2002
Posts: 472
Location: Greenwich, CT, USA |
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Wed Sep 25, 2002 1:13 am
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quote:
Originally posted by Yodabreath:
You people must really love deluding yourselves. You think that just repeating these tired, worn out liberal Democrat lies, that it will make it any more true?
Whatever floats your boat. I prefer actual truth.
Deluding ourselves? - Democrat lies? - Truth?
The first time I went to the Gulf, I pretty much saw one of the most untrained, incompetant, couldn't surrender fast enough armies that I had ever seen. The Republican Guard had pretty much left the field and left a bunch of easy targets behind. Now some years later, after thinking that we hadn't suffered many casualties, some 200,000 of our troops are now sick according to some accounts. Of those 200,000 troops, some 20,000 of them were reported to have died mysteriously. I'm sure you remember that they were expecting us to have a high fatality rate. - I remember reading all those articles concerning body bags and stuff after I got home and wondered what the hell was going on.
This time around, based on the recent exercise that was conducted on the Nevada border, they're expecting us to have heavy casualties even with all our new technology. - Like I said before, our forces are spread way too thin for us to be conducting any type of large scale operation. - Our strength was cut by 50% during the last administration and we haven't recovered. If China, Russia, North Korea or any other country decides to flex its muscles, then we're gonna have a serious problem on our hands.
FYI, Yodabreath - If I remember correctly, I didn't vote for Forest, I voted for Bush. 
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Mech
Joined: 06 Jun 2001
Posts: 8237
Location: THE 4th REICH USA |
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Wed Sep 25, 2002 9:47 pm
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Daschle Condemns Bush Iraq Rhetoric
Wed Sep 25, 1:03 PM ET
By JIM ABRAMS, Associated Press Writer
WASHINGTON (AP) - Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle on Wednesday accused President Bush ( news - web sites) of seeking to politicize the debate over war with Iraq and demanded that he apologize for implying that Democrats were not interested in the security of the American people.
AP Photo
"That is wrong," Daschle said in an impassioned speech on the Senate floor. "We ought not politicize this war. We ought not politicize the rhetoric about war and life and death."
"You tell those who fought in Vietnam and World War II they are not interested in the security of the American people" because they are Democrats, Daschle said. "That is outrageous. Outrageous."
Sen. Daniel Inouye ( news, bio, voting record), D-Hawaii, who lost an arm in World War II, also spoke on the Senate floor: "It grieves me when my president makes statements that would divide this nation," he said.
Daschle cited a string of actions by the administration including a comment by Bush that the Democratic-controlled Senate is "not interested in the security of the American people."
Daschle made his comments as congressional leaders negotiated in private with the administration over the terms of a resolution that would authorize the president to use force to eliminate Saddam's weapons of mass destruction.
Despite misgivings by some rank-and-file Democrats, Daschle and House Democratic leader Dick Gephardt have both signaled support for such legislation, to be passed before Congress adjourns for the midterm elections.
At the same time, Democratic political strategists have expressed concern that the national debate over Iraq is overshadowing domestic issues in the campaign.
Senate Republican leader Trent Lott said he thought he, Daschle, Gephardt and House Speaker Dennis Hastert would come to an agreement on the resolution by the end of this week. "I think it's word-tweaking, I don't think there's broad disagreement on terms."
The quote Daschle referred to came during a visit that Bush made earlier this week to Trenton, N.J.
Speaking at a public event that preceded his appearance at a fund-raiser for Republican Senate candidate Doug Forrester, the president said, "The House responded, but the Senate is more interested in special interests in Washington and not interested in the security of the American people. I will not accept a Department of Homeland Security that does not allow this president and future presidents to better keep the American people secure."
Bush was speaking to reporters in the Oval Office at the same time that Daschle leveled his criticism Wednesday. The president said he is determined to battle terrorism on two fronts — Saddam's Iraq and Osama bin Laden ( news - web sites)'s al-Qaida network because "they're both equally as bad, and equally as evil, and equally as destructive."
At one point, Bush was asked whether he now believes that Saddam is a bigger threat to Americans than the al-Qaida terror network.
After a long pause, he replied: "That is an interesting question. I'm trying to think of something humorous to say, but I can't when I think about al-Qaida and Saddam Hussein ( news - web sites)."
"... The danger is, is that they work in concert. The danger is, is that al-Qaida becomes an extension of Saddam's madness and his hatred and his capacity to extend weapons of mass destruction around the world. Both of them need to be dealt with. You can't distinguish between al-Qaida and Saddam when you talk about the war on terror."
Democrats say the draft proposal that Bush sent to Congress last week is far too broad in giving the president open-ended authority to use military force against Iraq, unilaterally if necessary, to disarm the country, drive Saddam from power and secure peace in the region.
"We should be dealing with a coalition here rather than going it alone," said Sen. Richard Durbin ( news, bio, voting record), D-Ill. "If we don't have a coalition we run the risk of expanding opportunities for terrorism around the world against the United States."
House International Relations Committee Chairman Henry Hyde, R-Ill., offered a compromise proposal that made clear that any use of force to restore regional security should come in conjunction with U.N. resolutions.
The Hyde proposal, presented to congressional leaders, also reasserts the authority of Congress, indicating that Congress would have oversight over the president's decisions and applying the resolution to the War Powers Act, the 1973 law stating that prolonged military action must come with a congressional declaration of war. |
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Mech
Joined: 06 Jun 2001
Posts: 8237
Location: THE 4th REICH USA |
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Wed Sep 25, 2002 10:14 pm
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SOME ALTERNATIVES TO PERSIAN GULF OIL...........
[Edited 1 times, lastly by Mech on 09-25-2002] |
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Mech
Joined: 06 Jun 2001
Posts: 8237
Location: THE 4th REICH USA |
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Wed Sep 25, 2002 11:23 pm
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Go ahead. Send me a new generation of recruits. Your bombs will fuel their hatred of America and their desire for revenge. Americans won’t be safe anywhere. Please, attack Iraq. Distract yourself from fighting Al Qaeda. Divide the international community. Go ahead. Destabilize the region. Maybe Pakistan will fall -- we want its nuclear weapons. Give Saddam a reason to strike first. He might draw Israel into a fight. Perfect! So please -- invade Iraq. Make my day.
http://www.tompaine.com |
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Mech
Joined: 06 Jun 2001
Posts: 8237
Location: THE 4th REICH USA |
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Thu Sep 26, 2002 12:26 am
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PAKISTAN...Americas Ally in The War On Terrorism
Is AMERICAS alliance creating more terrorism?
Islamic Republic of Pakistan
Head of state: Pervez Musharraf (replaced Mohammad Rafiq Tarar in June)
Head of government: Pervez Musharraf
Capital: Islamabad
Population: 145 million
Official languages: English and Urdu
Death penalty: retentionist
2001 treaty ratifications/signatures: Optional Protocol to the UN Children's Convention on the
involvement of children in armed conflict
Pakistan
The military government completed phased elections to local bodies in August and continued the crack-down on corruption. The ban on public political activities enacted in 2000 remained in force and restricted the activities of political parties; hundreds of people were detained for contravening the ban. Political violence increased after the Pakistan government decided to support military action in Afghanistan by the USA and its allies. Islamist groups responded to this decision with violent demonstrations. Women and members of religious minorities continued to face high levels of violence throughout the year. The death penalty continued to be imposed and at least 13 people were executed.
Background
In June, General Pervez Musharraf, the Chief Executive since 1999, replaced Mohammad Rafiq Tarar as President. A meeting in Agra, India, in July between the Indian Prime Minister and President Musharraf failed to produce a joint statement because of President Musharraf's insistence that Kashmir was a central issue in bilateral relations.
The separation of the judiciary from the executive was completed in August when the office of district commissioner/district magistrate was eliminated. Its judicial functions were transferred to judicial magistrates working under the supervision of district judges. However, under an ordinance issued in August, some functions were transferred to the police, and confessions made before police officers were made admissible in court.
'Anti-terrorism' legislation
In August, the Anti-Terrorism Ordinance of 1997 was amended to empower the government to ban organizations ''involved in terrorism'' and to ban media distribution of materials ''conducive to terrorism''. It also provided for trials behind closed doors and required religious organizations to disclose their funding.
In September, a state of emergency was declared giving the government sweeping powers to maintain law and order.
Political arrests and detention
The ban on public political rallies continued to be enforced. Hundreds of political activists were arrested for breaking the ban; most were released within hours or days. Some Islamist leaders were held in preventive detention under the Maintenance of Public Order Ordinance (MPO) which allows for up to three months' detention without trial.
* In April, several hundred people, including women and children, were arbitrarily detained for a short period of time for peacefully demonstrating in Lahore and Karachi against water shortages.
* In October, dozens of Islamist protesters, including many Afghan refugees, were arrested during violent protests against Pakistan's support for US military action in Afghanistan. Several Islamist leaders including Fazlur Rahman of Jamiat-e-Ulema-Islam and Qazi Hussain of the Jamaat-e-Islami, were placed under house arrest under the MPO.
Freedom of expression
Several journalists were detained solely for their work.
* In June, four journalists at the daily newspaper Mohasib of Abbotabad in Punjab province were arrested on charges of blasphemy. The charges related to the publication of an article discussing whether pious Muslim men must wear beards. They were released on bail in mid-July.
Anti-corruption trials
In April, following protests by national and international human rights organizations, the Supreme Court of Pakistan struck down several provisions of the 1999 National Accountability Bureau (NAB) Ordinance. Among the changes were the shortening of the permitted period of detention by NAB from 90 to 15 days and the easing of bail restrictions. By August, 356 corruption cases had been filed, of which 148 had led to convictions.
In April, the Supreme Court set aside the conviction for corruption in 1999 of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and Asif Zardari and ordered a retrial, ruling that the judge had been biased. In May, a court ordered Benazir Bhutto's arrest to stand trial and one month later sentenced her to three years' imprisonment for failing to appear before it.
Torture and deaths in custody
In April, police officials acknowledged that torture, particularly of members of disadvantaged groups, continued to be practised. In May, Law Minister Shahida Jamil criticized the previous governments' failure to invest in police training, stating that police frequently had no other investigative techniques but the use of force to extract confessions. Several attempts were made to outlaw torture. In October, the Sindh Inspector General of Police issued standing orders not to use torture and stated that he would hold senior police officers criminally responsible for torture and deaths in custody in their jurisdiction.
Prolonged solitary confinement was sometimes unlawfully used to punish detainees or extort money. Several detainees in Faisalabad Central Prison were reportedly held in continuous solitary confinement for several months longer than the three-month maximum permitted in Pakistan law; one had reportedly been held in solitary confinement for three years.
Deaths in custody
In the first three months of the year, nine detainees died in Faisalabad Central Prison when health care was denied despite instructions by the prison doctor.
At least 40 people died in police custody or in prison as a result of torture during 2001. In the first nine months of the year, 12 deaths in custody were recorded in Lahore alone. According to police officials, about a dozen police officers were suspended and charged with criminal offences in connection with the deaths. At the end of the year, no details were available about charges or arrests.
* In October, Mian Arshad, a businessman detained at the beginning of October, died in the custody of the NAB in Lahore. He had been interrogated in connection with an allegation of corruption against a leader of the Pakistan People's Party. NAB officials stated that Mian Arshad had died of heart failure. However, the autopsy report listed four injuries to his body, along with bruises and swellings. Police delayed registering a complaint filed by relatives. An investigation was ordered but its findings were not known at the end of the year.
Freedom of religion
Several cases of blasphemy were reported, both against members of religious minorities and Muslims.
* A Christian teacher, Pervez Masih, was charged with blasphemy in April. He said that police officers beat him with rifle butts and kicked him until he almost lost consciousness. His trial began in May.
* In August, Yunus Sheikh, a doctor and lecturer, was convicted of blasphemy and sentenced to death in Rawalpindi. His appeal was pending at the end of the year.
The government failed to provide adequate protection to religious minorities against attacks by Islamist groups. In particular Shi'a professionals were openly and with impunity targeted by Sunni militants in Karachi. Few of those responsible for sectarian killings were prosecuted as witnesses and the families of victims feared revenge attacks, and judges were afraid to convict.
* In October, the government ordered a judicial inquiry and payment of compensation after 17 Christians were shot dead in a church in Bahawalpur by unidentified Islamists.
Women
The state failed to take adequate measures to protect women from abuse. Several hundred girls and women were killed for allegedly shaming their families. Their supposedly immoral behaviour included marrying men of their own choice or seeking a divorce. The non-governmental Human Rights Commission of Pakistan reported that 62 women had been killed in such ''honour'' crimes in the first quarter of 2001 in Sindh Province alone. Although widely reported, abuses were routinely ignored by the state.
* In April, 21-year-old Fakhra Younus had acid thrown in her face by her husband, a well-known former parliamentarian. Her face, shoulders and chest were extensively burned, her lips were fused together and one eye was damaged. Although her family managed to register a complaint, her husband was not arrested. The authorities reportedly refused to issue her with travel documents when she sought reconstructive surgery abroad. She eventually left the country in July.
The authorities also continued to ignore practices resembling slavery.
* In June, a jirga (tribal council) in Thatta district, Sindh Province, handed over two girls to ''settle'' a tribal feud arising from a murder. The 11-year-old daughter of the accused was forced to marry the 46-year-old father of the murder victim and the six-year-old daughter of the other accused was married to the eight-year-old brother of the victim. Although the arrangement was reported in the local media the authorities took no action to rescue the children.
Children
Over 4,000 juvenile detainees were held during the year. Many were detained for minor offences such as vagrancy and theft. They were often detained awaiting trial for longer than the maximum possible sentence for the alleged offence. Despite the requirement of the Juvenile Justice System Ordinance 2000, legal aid was not provided to all juveniles. As most prisons did not have separate cells for juveniles, many young detainees were held with adult suspects or convicts. Special courts to try juveniles were not set up, but regular courts were empowered to act as special courts.
Refugees
In May, the authorities closed the border with Afghanistan to refugees. Afghans seeking refuge who managed to enter Pakistan faced refoulement, arbitrary arrest, intimidation and deportation, particularly in the North West Frontier Province.
* In June, an Afghan refugee, Sallahuddin Samadi, was picked up by police in Islamabad. When the police discovered that neither he nor his relatives could pay the bribe they demanded, Sallahuddin Samadi was thrown from the moving car. He died 12 days later of his injuries. Two police officers were reportedly arrested and charged with criminal offences and an investigation was announced into the incident. It was not known if anyone had been brought to trial by the end of the year.
At the end of the year, the border remained closed to all those without valid visas. As a result, thousands of Afghans seeking refuge from the US-led military strikes in Afghanistan which began in October were forced to try to enter Pakistan at isolated points on the porous border.
During a meeting with AI's Secretary General in Islamabad in December, General Musharraf gave assurances that no Afghan refugee would be forcibly returned to Afghanistan.
Death penalty
At least 50 people were sentenced to death during 2001, some after apparently unfair trials. At least 13 people were executed.
* In July, an Afghan tribesman was executed after a tribal council in North Waziristan, a designated tribal area, found him guilty of murder. The father of the victim shot the Afghan dead in front of thousands of tribesmen.
* In November, Sher Ali was hanged in Timergarah for a murder committed in 1993 when he was 13 years old. The Supreme Court had earlier rejected an appeal which argued that in 1993 the death penalty could not be imposed in the Provincially Administered Tribal Areas where he had lived.
During a meeting with AI's Secretary General in Islamabad in December, General Musharraf announced the commutation of death sentences of juveniles imposed before the death penalty for children was abolished in July 2000.
****UPDATE******
Seven shot dead in Karachi office
KARACHI (Pakistan) - Gunmen entered the offices of a Christian welfare organisation in the southern port city of Karachi yesterday and shot and killed seven people at point-blank range.
One of the seven died in hospital.
The killings occurred in the third-floor offices of the Institute for Peace and Justice, or Idara-e-Amn-o-Insaf, a Pakistani Christian charity in operation for 30 years.
Victims were tied up in chairs with their hands behind their backs and their mouths taped before being shot in the head, according to Karachi police chief Kamal Shah.
It was not clear who was behind the attack.
He said police were questioning an office assistant who was tied up and beaten by the attackers, but not shot.
The shooting was the latest in a string of violent attacks against Christians and Westerners, who have been increasingly targeted since President Pervez Musharraf's decision to crack down on Islamic extremist groups and join the United States war against the Taleban and Al-Qaeda in neighbouring Afghanistan.
Pakistani Information Minister Nisar Memon condemned the attack, saying those who carried it out were 'enemies of Pakistan'.
The violence shattered a growing sense of confidence among Pakistani leaders that a sweeping crackdown had broken the back of extremist groups which have targeted Christians and Westerners.
This month, police in Karachi arrested 23 members of Harakat ul-Mujahedeen Al-Almi, which was believed to have been behind a June bombing incident outside the US Consulate, a suicide car bomb in May that killed 11 French engineers, and aborted plots to attack US-based restaurants McDonald's and KFC in the city. --AP
[Edited 3 times, lastly by Mech on 09-26-2002] |
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Dan Rockwell
Joined: 10 Dec 2001
Posts: 1988
Location: Stamford, CT, USA |
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Thu Sep 26, 2002 1:04 am
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Today: September 24, 2002 at 16:25:16 PDT
Ky. Soldiers Prepare for Deployment
By KIMBERLY HEFLING
ASSOCIATED PRESS
FORT CAMPBELL, Ky.- When soldiers from Fort Campbell last left for the Middle East, small businesses went bankrupt and the strip of road that is the post's main shopping area was deserted. Some 5,500 soldiers were deployed to Afghanistan last year. Almost all have returned, but business owners and other community members are bracing for another, potentially bigger exodus - this time to Iraq.
Stores on what is known as "the strip" cater almost exclusively to the military - barber shops offer buzz cuts, dry cleaners are stocked with cleaned and pressed uniforms, and tattoo parlors offer a variety of patriotic body art.
"If anyone on this block is not preparing, they are stupid," said video-store owner Bill Anderson.
Fort Campbell is home to the 15,000-strong 101st Airborne Division, as well as the much smaller 5th Special Forces Group and 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment. Almost 20,000 soldiers from the post - nearly the entire population of Fort Campbell - took part in Operation Desert Storm, leaving by the planeload in 1990. It's unclear if or when soldiers will leave for Iraq.
"It's my job, so we're ready to go," said 2nd Lt. Brandon Friedman, 24. "Thirty-six hours is all the notice we need."
Anderson said he thinks he could weather a mass deployment to Iraq, but if no one is walking in the door, "I may as well shut down until they come back."
Chelsea Harknis, military affairs director of the chamber of commerce for Hopkinsville Christian County, about 20 miles north of Fort Campbell, said local officials have been in touch almost daily with the post.
She said it is not clear what role the 101st would play if the United States decides to fight Iraq.
"Fort Campbell is so important to both surrounding communities on the Tennessee side and the Kentucky side, because we are so close to them personally and through our business, it's going to affect us in several ways during any type of deployment," Harknis said.
Becky Cox, manager at Pal's Shop Ezy, said she learned a long time ago not to worry about deployments. The store is across from the post and soldiers frequently come in to buy Kentucky lottery tickets. "We take the good with the bad," Cox said.
---
On the Net: Fort Campbell: http://www.campbell.army.mil/campbell.htm --
http://www.lasvegassun.com/sunbin/stories/nat-gen/2002/sep/24/092409813.html
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Mech
Joined: 06 Jun 2001
Posts: 8237
Location: THE 4th REICH USA |
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Thu Sep 26, 2002 2:45 am
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...How about we send Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld and Blair instead of these poor souls!
[Edited 3 times, lastly by Mech on 09-25-2002] |
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mark sky
Joined: 14 Oct 2000
Posts: 3616
Location: SW coast of Oregon |
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Thu Sep 26, 2002 6:18 am
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welcome 2 dah machine
click the link and see the photos
PentaLawn 2000! http://www.geocities.com/pentalawn2000/
9-20-2
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crashed it at ground level into the west side wall of the Pentagon.
"Some eyewitnesses believe the plane actually hit the ground at the base of the Pentagon first, and then skidded into the building." -CBS
"As eyewitnesses described and photographs demonstrate, the hijacked airliner dived so low as it approached the Pentagon that it actually hit the ground first, thereby dissipating much of the energy that might otherwise have caused more extensive damage to the building." -Snopes.com
"But I think the blessing here might have been that the airplane hit before it hit the building, it hit the ground, and a lot of energy might have gone that way. That's what it appeared like." -CNN
"What -- or who -- caused Flight 77 to hit ground first, diffusing most of its destructive energy before it slammed into the Pentagon?" -ESPN / MSN
"NBC's Jim Miklaszewski explains that the sequence of five photos, taken from a Department of Defense security camera, shows the Boeing 757 hitting the ground an instant before it plows into the building and explodes in a deadly fireball." -MSNBC
"Then he caught an edge of his wing on the ground." There is a helicopter pad right in front of the side of the Pentagon. The wing touched there, then the plane cartwheeled into the building. -Time
"According to one witness, 'what looked like a 747' plowed into the south side of the Pentagon, possibly skipping through a heliport before it hit the building." -Stars and Stripes
Patrick: "The plane hit the ground first, then slid into the building."
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[Edited 1 times, lastly by mark sky on 09-26-2002] |
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