posted 01-23-2003 03:20 AM
Oklahoma City bombing John Doe No. 2?--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Posted: November 9, 2002
1:00 a.m. Eastern
By Notra Trulock
© 2002 WorldNetDaily.com
In 1995, the worst act of terrorism on American soil, prior to the 9/11 disaster, was committed in Oklahoma City.
On April 19, terrorists blew up the Murrah Federal Building and killed 168 Americans and wounded scores more. Not long after the bombing, Timothy McVeigh was arrested about 60 miles east of Oklahoma City and a few days later Terry Nichols surrendered to police in Herrington, Kansas. With those arrests, the Justice Department shut down any further investigation into who had committed this awful crime.
But like the Kennedy assassination, many Americans remained deeply skeptical about the government's assurances that McVeigh and Nichols acted alone in this horrible crime. And for good reason, as it seems that the FBI ignored important investigative leads, failed to interview potentially significant witnesses, and destroyed the Murrah building before experts could examine the crime scene.
The involvement of a John Doe No. 2 in the bombing has remained a simmering controversy. Skeptics ask why the FBI canceled an all-points-bulletin for a Middle Eastern male subject or subjects fleeing the scene issued in the immediate aftermath of the explosion. Numerous eyewitness accounts have identified Middle Eastern males in the company of McVeigh in the days and weeks before the bombing.
Dr. Frederic Whitehurst's allegations against the FBI crime lab sparked a Justice Department investigation that found the lab had provided "inaccurate pro-prosecution testimony in major cases including Oklahoma City." Retired Air Force General Benton K. Partin, an explosives expert, disputed the FBI's theory that the damage to the Murrah Building was caused by a single truck-bomb. His analyses were later endorsed by numerous physicists, physical chemists, and experts in structural mechanics as well as a series of live tests conducted at Eglin Air Force Base. These are just some of the lingering questions about the 1995 bombing.
Beyond covering McVeigh's execution and the FBI foul-ups that delayed it, the mainstream media have devoted little effort to digging into any of these questions. Concerned citizens have had to go to Internet media outlets like WorldNetDaily and NewsMax or be on the lookout for the occasional investigative report in obscure outlets like the Los Angeles Weekly or the London Evening Standard. In early September, the Wall Street Journal did one column on its editorial page about possible Iraqi involvement in Oklahoma City and the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, but seemed to lose interest after that.
One columnist who has refused to let the story die is James Patterson, an editorial writer at the Indianapolis Star. Patterson was one of the first to report a potential crack in the wall of silence erected around the Oklahoma City bombing by the government and the elite media.
Twice in recent months, Patterson has reported that Chairman Dan Burton's House Government Reform Committee investigators have uncovered the possible whereabouts of videotapes and photographs of the Murrah Federal Building from the day of the bombing. The Final Report of the Oklahoma Bombing Investigation Committee noted the existence of such tapes, but the Justice Department has adamantly refused to release them, even in response to Freedom of Information Act requests.
Burton believes that the tapes and photographs may be held in the archives of Naval Intelligence at the Washington Navy Yard and he has issued a subpoena to the Secretary of the Navy to obtain them. The tapes are said to contain video of a John Doe No. 2 getting out on the passenger side of the Ryder truck just prior to the explosion.
Former FBI Deputy Director Weldon Kennedy told the Philadelphia Inquirer that talk of withheld videotapes is "ludicrous and insulting." Kennedy says that agents nailed down "98 to 99 percent" of McVeigh and Nichols' movements in the months before the bombing and he is absolutely convinced they acted alone. Cate McCauley, who worked on McVeigh's appeal, goes beyond Kennedy and charges that talk of Middle Eastern men helping McVeigh is "perhaps the worse case of misinformation and pandering" she has come across. The allegations, she says, are easily refutable and those who promote them are "standing on the graves of thousands of people."
A quick, easy way to resolve the controversy over John Doe No. 2 would be to simply release the videotapes and photographs and let the American public judge for itself. Release the tapes and bring this case to closure. The victims of the Oklahoma City bombing deserve nothing less.
This article is from 1993 about the Iraqi resettlement.
=====================================================================
Los Angeles Times
August 24, 1993
IRAQ POWS PAID TO RESETTLE IN U.S.; LAWMAKERS PROTEST
By RICHARD A. SERRANO
The United States has begun resettling in this country up to 4,000 Iraqi soldiers who surrendered during the Persian Gulf War, an effort that has drawn criticism from a coalition of congressmen who believe the prisoners are receiving special treatment never awarded returning American soldiers.
The U.S. government is paying between $4,000 and $7,000 to relocate each of the enemy prisoners -- and in some cases their family members. They have been classified as refugees who would be harmed by Iraqi President Saddam Hussein if returned home.
The Iraqis are being scattered in small numbers to communities in California, Florida and elsewhere where they will have access to job opportunities, housing and federal social service programs. It is precisely that special consideration that has irked a bipartisan group of 75 members of Congress who are urging President Clinton to deny the refugee status to the Iraqi soldiers. "This is an incredibly bizarre set of priorities," said Rep. Cliff Stearns, a Florida Republican who sits on the House Veterans Affairs Committee.
"This nation's priorities regarding war veterans should be focusing on those who served in the American uniform, first and foremost," he said.
Added Rep. Earl Hutto (D-Fla.): "Given the choice, I would rather see that $4,000 go to one of our own veterans and not the people that were shooting at us."
Although prisoners of war are almost always sent home immediately after hostilities end, the situation this time represents a complicated and tangled footnote to an American war that was immensely successful.
This time, the enemy does not want to go home, preferring to embrace its foe.
By war's end, almost 110,000 enemy soldiers were taken to two camps in Saudi Arabia. The vast majority of them had been captured by United Nations coalition forces. They eventually were repatriated to Iraq under the auspices of the International Red Cross after Saddam Hussein issued a general amnesty.
But 4,000 remained in the camps. Most apparently had surrendered after reading leaflets dropped by U.S. planes that guaranteed their safety.
The government of Saudi Arabia has been housing them temporarily in the camps, along with 25,000 Iraqi civilians who fled their homes during the fighting and another 10,000 so-called freedom fighters who fought with the coalition against Hussein.
In early 1992, according to the State Department, it became clear that conditions in Iraq precluded the safe return of many of the 4,000 Iraqi soldiers and other refugees. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees concluded that other solutions, such as resettlement in other countries, had to be found.
Along with the United States, Sweden, Denmark and Norway also agreed to accept some of the camp refugees.
"These people are refugees under U.S. law," said a State Department official, who asked not to be identified. "They have been persecuted or have well-founded fears of persecution in their country.
"And the United States has a history of providing humanitarian assistance. I don't think all of these men were pointing rifles and shooting at U.N. coalition soldiers. A lot of them defected long before the ground war even started."
Many of the 4,000 soldiers were forced to join the Iraqi army or face death for refusing to enlist, he said.
"Most of the Iraqi solders were conscripted, and the coalition forces encouraged them to surrender," the State Department official said. "We dropped leaflets all over encouraging them to drop their arms, come over and we would take care of them."
Clinton Administration officials said that many of the Iraqi military prisoners were able to help the coalition forces in many ways during the war, such as providing information about Iraqi troop strength and maneuvers.
According to a State Department memorandum sent to congressional offices skeptical of the resettlement program, "many of those persons had provided valuable services to U.S. forces in the aftermath of the conflict."
The memo also said that since 1992, about 1,000 ex-soldiers and some of their family members have been brought to the United States. In addition to California and Florida, they also are resettling in Texas, Michigan and Illinois. The State Department would not name specific relocation sites.
Before entering the United States, they must be cleared by the FBI. They also must sign a promissory note to reimburse the U.S. government for their transportation costs after they become self-sufficient in America, a transition that government sources said usually takes about a year.
But under the government's Refugee Assistance Program, they are entitled to free help from a wide array of sources.
They can receive cash and free medical assistance if they have no financial resources of their own. They also are eligible for job training and English language schooling.
Many in Congress see the effort as an affront to the U.S. military, noting that returning Gulf War veterans did not receive such assistance. In a letter they plan to send to Clinton after seeking more signatures from members in Congress, those opposing the effort noted that the resettlement of Iraqi POWs ultimately could cost American taxpayers up to $70 million.
They expressed concern that many of the ex-soldiers could pose a safety threat to U.S. citizens despite the FBI clearances, pointing out that with international terrorism already hitting the United States, this "raises serious questions concerning our national security."
"This potentially dangerous and unfair policy can be stopped. We feel it is not wise to continue a policy that could eventually threaten the safety of our citizens and government officials," the letter said.
This is a BBC transcript showing BUSH SR. WAS BRINGING ARABS TO TRAIN in the U.S.
============================================================
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/events/newsnight/1645527.stm
PALAST:
Newsnight has uncovered a long history of shadowy connections between the State Department, the CIA and the Saudis. The former head of the American visa bureau in Jeddah is Michael Springman.
MICHAEL SPRINGMAN:
In Saudi Arabia I was repeatedly ordered by high level State Dept officials to issue visas to unqualified applicants. These were, essentially, people who had no ties either to Saudi Arabia or to their own country. I complained bitterly at the time there. I returned to the US, I complained to the State Dept here, to the General Accounting Office, to the Bureau of Diplomatic Security and to the Inspector General's office. I was met with silence.
PALAST:
By now, Bush Sr, once CIA director, was in the White House. Springman was shocked to find this wasn't visa fraud. Rather, State and CIA were playing "the Great Game".
SPRINGMAN:
What I was protesting was, in reality, an effort to bring recruits, rounded up by Osama Bin Laden, to the US for terrorist training by the CIA. They would then be returned to Afghanistan to fight against the then-Soviets. ===========================================
Here is a radio interview about the Iraqs at the OKC Bombing.
===================================================================================
Radio interview with David Shippers,the man who impeached Bill Clinton qoutes http://www.infowars.com/transcript_schippers.html Mp3 available there also.
In this interview, "Iraqi Terrorists" refers to the Iraqi Republican Guard, resettled after the Gulf War, near Oklahoma City by former Pres. Bush.Sr.
In this interview, "Iraqi Terrorists" refers to the Iraqi Republican Guard, resettled after the Gulf War, near Oklahoma City by former Pres. Bush.Sr.
AJ: Wouldn't touch it. So we've got all this developing. We've got police officers and FBI on the ground who know who bombed Oklahoma City. They've got them in custody with blue jogging suits and bomb-making components. They are ordered to release them. All of this is unfolding - 3500 to 5000 Iraqi Republican Guard (living near OKC), we know there is a Saddam/Iraqi connection here - I mean they knew this. Why in the world, David Shippers, did they allow this to take place?
DS: She was an investigative reporter working for a TV station in Oklahoma City at the time of the bombing.
AJ: And they had these very middle-eastern Bin Laden, Saddam minions, interviewing these guys.
DS: Yes, absolutely. She identified by the name the guy who was the one. Recently, she came up with some evidence that another guy there actually admitted that he was part of the World Trade Center bombing. He's still walking around. I mean they are taking people into custody, they are offering rewards, but these guys are still there and still doing their little thing.
AJ: That's the point I'm trying to make. The government has their names, knows who the cells are, the 3500 Iraqi....
DS: I don't know if they do because when Jayna had all this material.. I'm talking about 3 giant loose-leaf binders full of affidavits and other material. This woman did a job of investigating that would make the Massad look bad.
AJ: The New York Times came in and bought up her TV station and got rid of her.
DS: Well, they bought up the TV station and got rid of her and also tried to make her turn over notes and films and stuff like that but she beat them court. She's still got them.
DS: Yea, Clinton made that statement. And they had a handy guy in McVeigh. I also know from affidavits that I have read that there were eyewitnesses who saw the middle eastern man running from the scene (OKC bombing) along side McVeigh.
AJ: And why don't the feds just release those 12 surveillance camera tapes if it is just McVeigh alone?
DS: Those surveillance camera tapes are going to show that there was a middle eastern man running with him. Some of these people who gave affidavits were interviewed by the FBI during the course of the investigation. They were interviewed about the second person that they saw and the agents tried to make them say or suggested to them that the second person was Nichols. Every single one of these people said absolutely not, it was a middle-eastern type individual.
AJ: Al Hussani (sp)
DS: Now, listen to this. None of those investigative reports; none of those 302s have ever surfaced. So the FBI comes up with all these thousands of documents which they claimed they overlooked but the key ones where they tried to get them to say it was Nichols never surfaced
Here is one more story about the name of a resettled republican guard that was associated with the OKC Bombing
==============================================================
http://www.freerepublic.com/forum/a39d6eb725dac.htm
Khalil was the employer of a man who had been named as a Middle Eastern suspect in the OKC bombing, Al-Hussan Hussani, investigated by KFORTV of OKC. Hussani had served in Sadam Hussein’s Republican Guard in Iraq around the time of the Gulf War and is believed to have been brought to the US by Clinton over the objections of POW family members and some US Senators. KFORTV alleged that Hussani’s time card had been forged to make it appear that Hussani was not at the bomb site at 9 am on April 19, 1995.
KFORTV was sued by Hussani with the help of Khalil and the former law associate and campaign contributor of OK governor, Frank Keating. Hussani’s suit against KFORTV was officially ruled against and dismissed by Federal Judge Tim Leonard on September 29, 2000. At least one or more of KFORTV’s reporters still stands behind the story that Hussani helped McVeigh before and at the time of the bombing.
There is strong suspicion that Khalil and Hussani were known to our government before the OKC bombing and that Richardson was taken off the investigation of Khalil, Hussani’s employer, after the bombing to coverup the government’s foreknowledge and role in the OKC bombing. This also may have been a contributing factor in Richardson’s death, regardless of whether it was murder or suicide.
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